Hoi An World Cultural Heritage Conservation Center
The Worship of the White Horse Eunuch in Hội An
Among the deities commonly worshipped at many religious sites in the Hội An region, there is one known as Bạch Mã or Thái giám Bạch Mã, and in folk usage often called Ông Thái Giám (the Eunuch). This deity holds a high position and exerts significant influence in local folk belief as well as within the system of deification under Vietnam’s feudal dynasties. However, interviews with many elderly residents in Hội An reveal that almost no one clearly knows the background, origin myths, or reasons for worshipping this deity, resulting in various interpretations that differ from the original source.
To understand the prevalence of Bạch Mã worship, one can refer to the folklore inventory (phôn–clo) of Vietnamese villages in the Hội An, Quảng Nam area conducted by the École française d’Extrême-Orient (EFEO) in 1943[1]. The data show that 8 out of 11 villages/communes in Hội An recorded imperial decrees recognizing Bạch Mã among their tutelary deities, accounting for 73%. Specifically: Cẩm Phô had 6 decrees, Minh Hương 5, An Mỹ 5, Thanh Đông 4, Sơn Phô 5, Điển Hội 8, Thanh Hà 8, and Để Võng 7. The Miếu Hội Đồng Tỉnh in Cẩm Phô alone had 3 decrees. It should be noted, however, that the absence of such decrees in some villages does not necessarily mean that the belief itself did not exist there.
The deity Bạch Mã is often worshipped together with other figures such as the Four Sacred Ladies of Đại Càn and Thiên Y A Na Chúa Ngọc, along with various other deities, at communal houses. However, due to the distinctive nature of this belief, some localities built separate shrines dedicated specifically to this deity, commonly referred to as shrines of Ông Thái Giám. Today, in Hội An Tây ward, there are three such shrines: one in Nam Diêu, one in Thanh Chiếm, and one in Bàu Súng. In Cẩm Phô, there were previously two such shrines, where rituals were held annually on the 13th day of the first lunar month and the 11th day of the eighth lunar month. These two shrines no longer exist. In Cẩm Kim, there was also once a small Thái Giám shrine. In other areas, there were likely additional shrines that have since disappeared due to historical changes and lack of documentation.
Based on the compiled list of imperial decrees for Bạch Mã in Hội An, several noteworthy issues emerge. Regarding chronology, the earliest known decrees date to the 5th year of Emperor Minh Mạng (1824) or the 7th year (1826). These are also the earliest surviving decrees for any deities currently known in Hội An. No decrees from earlier periods such as the Lê dynasty, the Nguyễn lords, or the Tây Sơn period have been found. This absence may be due to political instability during the period of division in Đàng Trong, including the possibility that successive dynasties confiscated or destroyed earlier decrees to legitimize their own authority, particularly under the Nguyễn dynasty following Gia Long’s restoration.
The list also reveals inconsistencies among villages in both the timing and titles of the Bạch Mã deity’s conferment. One group of villages (Hội An, Thanh Hà, Để Võng) received titles beginning in the 7th year of Minh Mạng (1826), all on the same date. Another group (Minh Hương, Cẩm Phô, An Mỹ, Thanh Đông, Sơn Phô) received titles beginning in the 5th year of Tự Đức (1852), also on the same date. Comparing these groups shows differences in honorific titles: the first group includes epithets such as Lợi Vật and Đoan Túc, while the second includes Dương Uy, Ngự Vũ, and Bảo Chướng. Other titles such as Kiên Thuận, Hòa Nhu, Hàm Quang, and Dực Bảo Trung Hưng are shared. These differences suggest a lack of clear consensus regarding the identity and nature of the deity among those responsible for conferring titles.
At the local level, the situation is no clearer. Village councils generally could not explain the origin of the Bạch Mã deity, stating only that since the court had granted imperial recognition, they were obliged to worship it. This has led to a common but inaccurate belief that Bạch Mã is merely the mount or support animal of the village tutelary deity (Thành Hoàng). In fact, examination of the decrees shows that Bạch Mã consistently holds a higher rank: once Bạch Mã is designated a Superior Deity (Thượng đẳng thần), the Thành Hoàng is only granted the rank of Middle Deity (Trung đẳng thần) and stands behind Bạch Mã in hierarchy.
This raises the question: who exactly is Bạch Mã, and why is it so widely worshipped? To answer this, one must begin with the symbolic image of the white horse in Eastern cultures.
In Indian and Chinese traditions, the white horse symbolizes the transmission of Buddhism and the protection of Buddhist institutions. In China, there is a saying: “The blue ox goes West, the white horse goes East,” referring to the spread of Taoism to India and Buddhism to China. The image of white horses carrying scriptures represents the dissemination of Buddhist teachings.
In Vietnam, the Bạch Mã Temple in Thăng Long (Hà Nội) is associated with the legend of Emperor Lý Thái Tổ following the tracks of a white horse to determine the location for building the capital[2].
A particularly relevant Buddhist legend from India appears in the Mahāyāna scripture “Kāraṇḍavyūha Sūtra”, which recounts a previous life of Avalokiteśvara (Quan Thế Âm Bồ Tát) as a winged white horse named Balaha. This horse rescued Prince Sinhgala (a former life of the Buddha) and a group of merchants stranded at sea[3]. Another Vietnamese translation of an Indian Buddhist tale, “A Glorious Victory,” recounts a similar story in which Balaha saves 500 merchants from demons[4].
These sources indicate that the white horse Balaha, a manifestation of Avalokiteśvara, is associated with rescuing people at sea, especially merchants and sailors. It is likely that Bạch Mã in Vietnam is a localized adaptation of this figure, which explains its widespread worship in maritime trading regions such as Hội An.
At the Quan Âm Pagoda (Minh Hương), a decorative motif depicting a winged horse flying among lotus-shaped clouds still survives, possibly representing Balaha. This small detail provides an important clue to the origin of the cult.
However, Vietnamese people likely did not adopt this belief directly from India, but through an intermediary: the Cham people, who were skilled seafarers and had early contact with Indian civilization. The Cham may have introduced the Balaha motif into the region, much like the depiction of the winged horse at the Neak Pean temple in Angkor[5]. Vietnamese coastal communities later adopted and adapted this belief.
This explains why Bạch Mã worship is widespread in coastal regions of Central and Southern Vietnam, areas formerly inhabited by the Cham[6].
Returning to the differences in titles: under Minh Mạng, the epithet Lợi Vật (beneficial for material gain) emphasizes commerce and wealth, while under Tự Đức, titles such as Dương Uy, Ngự Vũ, and Bảo Chướng emphasize protection and defense. Both perspectives align with the original function of Balaha as a protector of seafarers and traders.
Finally, the term “Thái Giám” (eunuch) requires clarification. This likely relates to the genderless nature of Avalokiteśvara’s manifestations, including the horse Balaha. Some Nguyễn dynasty decrees may have used the term metaphorically to describe this characteristic. Similarly, the local practice of using white horse statues to represent the souls of unborn children reflects the idea of gender ambiguity. However, this practice is distinct from the worship of Bạch Mã as a high-ranking deity.
Over time, through processes of cultural exchange and transformation involving Cham and Vietnamese communities, the worship of Bạch Mã has evolved significantly from its original form. Nevertheless, it remains a resilient and meaningful belief system, reflecting both the historical importance of maritime trade and the layered cultural interactions that shaped Hội An and the broader Đàng Trong region.
The deity Bạch Mã is often worshipped together with other figures such as the Four Sacred Ladies of Đại Càn and Thiên Y A Na Chúa Ngọc, along with various other deities, at communal houses. However, due to the distinctive nature of this belief, some localities built separate shrines dedicated specifically to this deity, commonly referred to as shrines of Ông Thái Giám. Today, in Hội An Tây ward, there are three such shrines: one in Nam Diêu, one in Thanh Chiếm, and one in Bàu Súng. In Cẩm Phô, there were previously two such shrines, where rituals were held annually on the 13th day of the first lunar month and the 11th day of the eighth lunar month. These two shrines no longer exist. In Cẩm Kim, there was also once a small Thái Giám shrine. In other areas, there were likely additional shrines that have since disappeared due to historical changes and lack of documentation.
Based on the compiled list of imperial decrees for Bạch Mã in Hội An, several noteworthy issues emerge. Regarding chronology, the earliest known decrees date to the 5th year of Emperor Minh Mạng (1824) or the 7th year (1826). These are also the earliest surviving decrees for any deities currently known in Hội An. No decrees from earlier periods such as the Lê dynasty, the Nguyễn lords, or the Tây Sơn period have been found. This absence may be due to political instability during the period of division in Đàng Trong, including the possibility that successive dynasties confiscated or destroyed earlier decrees to legitimize their own authority, particularly under the Nguyễn dynasty following Gia Long’s restoration.
The list also reveals inconsistencies among villages in both the timing and titles of the Bạch Mã deity’s conferment. One group of villages (Hội An, Thanh Hà, Để Võng) received titles beginning in the 7th year of Minh Mạng (1826), all on the same date. Another group (Minh Hương, Cẩm Phô, An Mỹ, Thanh Đông, Sơn Phô) received titles beginning in the 5th year of Tự Đức (1852), also on the same date. Comparing these groups shows differences in honorific titles: the first group includes epithets such as Lợi Vật and Đoan Túc, while the second includes Dương Uy, Ngự Vũ, and Bảo Chướng. Other titles such as Kiên Thuận, Hòa Nhu, Hàm Quang, and Dực Bảo Trung Hưng are shared. These differences suggest a lack of clear consensus regarding the identity and nature of the deity among those responsible for conferring titles.
At the local level, the situation is no clearer. Village councils generally could not explain the origin of the Bạch Mã deity, stating only that since the court had granted imperial recognition, they were obliged to worship it. This has led to a common but inaccurate belief that Bạch Mã is merely the mount or support animal of the village tutelary deity (Thành Hoàng). In fact, examination of the decrees shows that Bạch Mã consistently holds a higher rank: once Bạch Mã is designated a Superior Deity (Thượng đẳng thần), the Thành Hoàng is only granted the rank of Middle Deity (Trung đẳng thần) and stands behind Bạch Mã in hierarchy.
This raises the question: who exactly is Bạch Mã, and why is it so widely worshipped? To answer this, one must begin with the symbolic image of the white horse in Eastern cultures.
In Indian and Chinese traditions, the white horse symbolizes the transmission of Buddhism and the protection of Buddhist institutions. In China, there is a saying: “The blue ox goes West, the white horse goes East,” referring to the spread of Taoism to India and Buddhism to China. The image of white horses carrying scriptures represents the dissemination of Buddhist teachings.
In Vietnam, the Bạch Mã Temple in Thăng Long (Hà Nội) is associated with the legend of Emperor Lý Thái Tổ following the tracks of a white horse to determine the location for building the capital[2].
A particularly relevant Buddhist legend from India appears in the Mahāyāna scripture “Kāraṇḍavyūha Sūtra”, which recounts a previous life of Avalokiteśvara (Quan Thế Âm Bồ Tát) as a winged white horse named Balaha. This horse rescued Prince Sinhgala (a former life of the Buddha) and a group of merchants stranded at sea[3]. Another Vietnamese translation of an Indian Buddhist tale, “A Glorious Victory,” recounts a similar story in which Balaha saves 500 merchants from demons[4].
These sources indicate that the white horse Balaha, a manifestation of Avalokiteśvara, is associated with rescuing people at sea, especially merchants and sailors. It is likely that Bạch Mã in Vietnam is a localized adaptation of this figure, which explains its widespread worship in maritime trading regions such as Hội An.
At the Quan Âm Pagoda (Minh Hương), a decorative motif depicting a winged horse flying among lotus-shaped clouds still survives, possibly representing Balaha. This small detail provides an important clue to the origin of the cult.
However, Vietnamese people likely did not adopt this belief directly from India, but through an intermediary: the Cham people, who were skilled seafarers and had early contact with Indian civilization. The Cham may have introduced the Balaha motif into the region, much like the depiction of the winged horse at the Neak Pean temple in Angkor[5]. Vietnamese coastal communities later adopted and adapted this belief.
This explains why Bạch Mã worship is widespread in coastal regions of Central and Southern Vietnam, areas formerly inhabited by the Cham[6].
Returning to the differences in titles: under Minh Mạng, the epithet Lợi Vật (beneficial for material gain) emphasizes commerce and wealth, while under Tự Đức, titles such as Dương Uy, Ngự Vũ, and Bảo Chướng emphasize protection and defense. Both perspectives align with the original function of Balaha as a protector of seafarers and traders.
Finally, the term “Thái Giám” (eunuch) requires clarification. This likely relates to the genderless nature of Avalokiteśvara’s manifestations, including the horse Balaha. Some Nguyễn dynasty decrees may have used the term metaphorically to describe this characteristic. Similarly, the local practice of using white horse statues to represent the souls of unborn children reflects the idea of gender ambiguity. However, this practice is distinct from the worship of Bạch Mã as a high-ranking deity.
Over time, through processes of cultural exchange and transformation involving Cham and Vietnamese communities, the worship of Bạch Mã has evolved significantly from its original form. Nevertheless, it remains a resilient and meaningful belief system, reflecting both the historical importance of maritime trade and the layered cultural interactions that shaped Hội An and the broader Đàng Trong region.
[1] Copy of the document currently archived at the Hội An Center for the Conservation of World Cultural Heritage.
[2] National History Office of the Nguyễn Dynasty (1997), Đại Nam Nhất Thống Chí (Comprehensive Gazetteer of Đại Nam), Vol. 3, Thuận Hóa Publishing House, pp. 210–211.
[3] Chung – Fang – Yu, Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara?, according to Lecongda.20fr.com.
[4] Thích Minh Chiếu, Selected Buddhist Folktales, Vol. II–3, Internet source.
[5] Phan Anh Tú, “The Image of Lokeśvara in Ancient Indochinese Sculpture,” Xưa Nay Magazine, No. 238, June 2005.
[6] Tạ Chí Đại Trường (2006), Gods, Humans, and the Land of Vietnam, Văn hóa Thông tin Publishing House, pp. 247–255.
Author: Trần Văn An
Source: Hoi An Center for the Conservation of World Cultural Heritage
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