Hoi An World Cultural Heritage Conservation Center
A Few Notes on Hội An’s Historical Tradition of Learning and the Examination System
Alongside patriotism and humanism, the tradition of valuing education has, for thousands of years, become one of the Vietnamese nation’s enduring and admirable cultural traditions.
When examining the tradition of learning in old Hội An (before 1945), it must first be emphasized that “hiếu học” here did not simply mean that individuals were diligent or eager to study. It also referred to a broader social ethic: a collective concern for education, encouragement of learning, and deep respect for teachers at the level of the family, lineage, and the wider village community.
In the past, families and clans in Hội An employed many ways to honor and promote learning. Genealogies and family records often highlighted exemplary ancestors who were studious and successful, thereby setting a moral example for descendants. Funeral orations, horizontal lacquered boards (hoành phi), and parallel sentences (liễn đối) displayed in homes and ancestral halls frequently contained messages that instructed children and grandchildren, praised learning, and reinforced family discipline, family values, and scholarly tradition. These inscriptions expressed aspirations for the family and clan to cultivate moral refinement, preserve good customs, pass down virtue, and sustain a distinguished family reputation. Some families established educational funds, while villages with successful examination candidates often built Văn Chỉ shrines or literary associations (Hội tư văn) to honor scholarship. Those who had attained academic degrees were held in high esteem by both their clans and village communities, and were given places of distinction in communal houses, shrines, and other public settings.
Within the administrative boundaries of present-day Hội An, the situation in the past was somewhat different. What is now Hội An actually comprised many villages and communes belonging to different districts and communes of Điện Bàn phủ, under various administrative periods of Quảng Nam as a dinh, trấn, and later tỉnh. “Hội An” itself was only the name of one village or commune among many. Most of the villages in this area at the time were agricultural or fishing communities, often associated with handicrafts and trade. As such, the organization and conditions of education were broadly similar to those of other villages across central Việt Nam. Initial learning generally took place within the scale and scope of the village, relying on local ông đồ or village teachers, and on the financial capacity of each household. Life for most villagers was difficult and materially lacking. Nevertheless, education was always highly valued by families, grandparents, parents, and lineages, and many careful rituals and customs reflected the seriousness with which learning and teachers were regarded.
When children reached school age, usually around six or seven years old, parents would first conduct an initiation ritual at home to symbolically “open the child’s mind” for learning. The offering included sticky rice, chicken, incense, lamps, flowers, tea, and fruit, all arranged on an altar. The father, or sometimes an older brother, would bow and pray on behalf of the child. During the prayer, the child’s name would be spoken aloud, asking for the child’s heart and mind to be opened so that they could study well. The child would also kneel and bow before the altar to receive this initiation.
After that, the parents would visit the home of a nearby and reputable teacher to formally enroll the child. The offering for this ceremony usually included betel and rice wine, specifically five pieces of betel and a small flask of wine, placed on a tray together with a brand-new notebook. The parents would bring this tray to the teacher’s home or classroom and place it before the altar to request admission for their child. The teacher would ask the child’s age and name. If the child did not yet have a formal name, the teacher might be asked to give one, since in earlier times many children initially only had an informal or household name. The teacher would then take a brush or pen and write the child’s name and age in the new notebook. Afterward, the parents would lead the child before the teacher, where the child would bow twice in a formal gesture of receiving instruction.
Each year there were also rituals to open and close the school term. After the Lunar New Year, usually around the 10th to 15th day of the first lunar month, the school or class would formally reopen. Offerings for this ceremony were relatively simple: incense, flowers, tea, fruit, betel, wine, and dry cakes. The teacher would conduct the ritual while the students stood around, and then they would take turns bowing. Likewise, there were ceremonies to mark school breaks. There were two main breaks during the year: one during the Đoan Ngọ Festival (the 5th day of the 5th lunar month), and another before the Lunar New Year holiday. On each of these occasions, students were expected to perform a ritual of thanks. The offerings varied in scale depending on the year, but often the students would collectively raise or purchase a chicken to bring for the ceremony.
During major festivals such as Đoan Ngọ and Lunar New Year, there was also the important custom of “tết thầy,” or giving New Year offerings to one’s teacher. In the past, teachers did not receive salaries and instead relied largely on such gifts during the festive seasons. Therefore, students’ parents were expected to prepare offerings for the teacher. Families would give whatever they could afford, such as glutinous rice, regular rice, sugar, cakes, and other household provisions. These gifts would usually be accompanied by a small amount of money, the amount depending on the student’s means and level of study, whether elementary, intermediate, or advanced.
Beyond these formal occasions, the bond between teacher and student extended deeply into social and moral life. If the teacher’s family held an ancestral death anniversary, experienced a funeral, celebrated a happy occasion, or if the teacher became ill or encountered an important family matter, students were expected to come and help, almost as if they were serving their own parents. The teacher’s eldest son was addressed by the students as thế huynh (ritual elder brother), while the students referred to themselves as thế đệ (ritual younger brothers). After a teacher passed away, former students often formed an alumni association called a Hội đồng môn. They would contribute funds, elect a senior or highly respected former student as president, appoint a secretary and treasurer, and establish internal regulations. On the teacher’s death anniversary, they would contribute together with the teacher’s family to care for the grave and memorial rites. In some cases, if the association had sufficient funds, they might even purchase land as an endowment for ancestral offerings or build and maintain a proper grave for the teacher. This same deep respect was not limited to teachers of letters and formal education. Masters who taught trades and crafts were also honored in similar ways and held in equally high regard.
Village schools were, in reality, often simply classes held in the teacher’s own house. Wealthier families might instead invite a teacher to come and teach at home. Students in these local classes were taught by thầy đồ or traditional teachers, following an elementary curriculum based on introductory texts for young learners, many of which had been composed by Vietnamese Confucian scholars themselves. To continue to higher levels, however, students generally had to go to district, prefectural, or provincial schools in Điện Bàn.
At the same time, Hội An occupied a special place in the educational and cultural landscape of central Việt Nam. As a major commercial center and international port, and as one of the birthplaces of the Romanized Vietnamese script (chữ Quốc ngữ), as well as an important site in the formation and development of Catholicism and Buddhism in Đàng Trong and central Việt Nam, Hội An was also a place of intense cultural contact, exchange, and adaptation. These conditions had a strong and far-reaching influence on the area’s economic, cultural, and educational life, as well as on the general level of literacy and learning among the villages.
This became particularly evident during the French colonial period. At that time, Hội An was the seat of the French Resident Office, and the colonial authorities established the municipality of Hội An under the name Ville de Faifoo. During this period, there were two primary schools founded by the French administration: a boys’ primary school (École primaire complémentaire des garçons de Faifoo) and a girls’ primary school (École primaire complémentaire des filles de Faifoo). These schools offered the full sequence of primary classes, from Fifth Class to First Class, and continued operating until 1945. In addition to these government schools, there were also two private elementary schools: Tân Dân School and Phú An School.
The physical conditions of these schools were relatively modest. In the case of the private schools, they were sometimes housed in ordinary repurposed buildings, somewhat resembling today’s private tutoring classes held in homes. Yet despite these modest facilities, the teaching staff were generally strong in both knowledge and professional skill. This was because they themselves had been trained through a demanding educational system, and the student body was carefully selected and relatively small, helping to maintain high teaching and learning standards. Most students came from modest backgrounds and often went to school without even eating breakfast, yet they remained deeply eager and passionate about learning. The schools and their teachers enjoyed a high level of prestige and attracted students from many different places.
After completing primary school, students from Hội An who wished to continue their studies had to go to Huế and sit for competitive entrance examinations. Male students who passed would enter Khải Định School (later renamed Quốc Học School), while female students would enter Đồng Khánh School. To meet the growing educational needs of Hội An’s children, Ông Nghè Nhạn took the initiative to establish Viên Minh School. This became the first private secondary school in Hội An. These schools in Hội An played a significant role in nurturing talented individuals not only for the ancient town itself and the Quảng region, but for the country as a whole.
As for Chinese-language schools run by the Chinese community, before 1940 there were several such institutions, each associated with a particular dialect group or assembly hall. These included Quảng Triệu School and Hưng Hoa School of the Cantonese community, Dưỡng Chánh School of the Fujian community, Bồi Anh School of the Teochew community, and Dục Trí School of the Hainanese community. Classes were generally taught in the assembly halls of each respective association, and the language of instruction was the dialect of that community’s home region.
Regarding the imperial examination tradition under the Nguyễn dynasty in Hội An, up to the final examination session in 1919 during the reign of Khải Định, the area produced four holders of higher examination degrees. These included one Tiến sĩ (Doctoral Laureate), Nguyễn Tường Phổ, and three Phó bảng laureates: Nguyễn Tường Vĩnh, Nguyễn Duy Hiệu, and, if counted, Trần Ngọc Giao. In addition, Hội An produced eleven Cử nhân (Provincial Graduates), as well as a number of Tú tài (Lower Degree Holders), and was especially notable for having many families with long-standing scholarly and examination traditions.
These scholar-officials generally believed that learning and examinations were not ends in themselves, nor merely a route to personal advancement. Rather, the purpose of education and examination success was to build one’s career in order to contribute to society. Although they served as officials under the Nguyễn dynasty in different positions, localities, and fields, they largely maintained the moral integrity expected of Confucian scholars. At a time when the country had lost its political autonomy, they still upheld the traditional Confucian ideal that education and examination success should lead to service and benefit for the people. None of them exploited their academic rank or official position to oppress the people or collaborate treacherously with foreign powers. Among them emerged several especially luminous examples of character and talent, people who lived and devoted their lives in ways worthy of their titles and offices, and whose names have been preserved in history.
Thus, in the spirit of a scholarly tradition tied to public service and dedication to the court and society, Hội An’s degree holders all participated in official life under the Nguyễn dynasty, serving in many roles and carrying out duties both in their home province of Quảng Nam and in many other localities across the country. Notably, Hội An produced as many as two Ministers of War (Thượng thư Bộ Binh) under the Nguyễn court, as well as two families that combined both examination distinction and long-standing bureaucratic service. It also gave rise to many outstanding and patriotic individuals whose contributions deserve historical recognition and remembrance.
In the past, families and clans in Hội An employed many ways to honor and promote learning. Genealogies and family records often highlighted exemplary ancestors who were studious and successful, thereby setting a moral example for descendants. Funeral orations, horizontal lacquered boards (hoành phi), and parallel sentences (liễn đối) displayed in homes and ancestral halls frequently contained messages that instructed children and grandchildren, praised learning, and reinforced family discipline, family values, and scholarly tradition. These inscriptions expressed aspirations for the family and clan to cultivate moral refinement, preserve good customs, pass down virtue, and sustain a distinguished family reputation. Some families established educational funds, while villages with successful examination candidates often built Văn Chỉ shrines or literary associations (Hội tư văn) to honor scholarship. Those who had attained academic degrees were held in high esteem by both their clans and village communities, and were given places of distinction in communal houses, shrines, and other public settings.
Within the administrative boundaries of present-day Hội An, the situation in the past was somewhat different. What is now Hội An actually comprised many villages and communes belonging to different districts and communes of Điện Bàn phủ, under various administrative periods of Quảng Nam as a dinh, trấn, and later tỉnh. “Hội An” itself was only the name of one village or commune among many. Most of the villages in this area at the time were agricultural or fishing communities, often associated with handicrafts and trade. As such, the organization and conditions of education were broadly similar to those of other villages across central Việt Nam. Initial learning generally took place within the scale and scope of the village, relying on local ông đồ or village teachers, and on the financial capacity of each household. Life for most villagers was difficult and materially lacking. Nevertheless, education was always highly valued by families, grandparents, parents, and lineages, and many careful rituals and customs reflected the seriousness with which learning and teachers were regarded.
When children reached school age, usually around six or seven years old, parents would first conduct an initiation ritual at home to symbolically “open the child’s mind” for learning. The offering included sticky rice, chicken, incense, lamps, flowers, tea, and fruit, all arranged on an altar. The father, or sometimes an older brother, would bow and pray on behalf of the child. During the prayer, the child’s name would be spoken aloud, asking for the child’s heart and mind to be opened so that they could study well. The child would also kneel and bow before the altar to receive this initiation.
After that, the parents would visit the home of a nearby and reputable teacher to formally enroll the child. The offering for this ceremony usually included betel and rice wine, specifically five pieces of betel and a small flask of wine, placed on a tray together with a brand-new notebook. The parents would bring this tray to the teacher’s home or classroom and place it before the altar to request admission for their child. The teacher would ask the child’s age and name. If the child did not yet have a formal name, the teacher might be asked to give one, since in earlier times many children initially only had an informal or household name. The teacher would then take a brush or pen and write the child’s name and age in the new notebook. Afterward, the parents would lead the child before the teacher, where the child would bow twice in a formal gesture of receiving instruction.
Each year there were also rituals to open and close the school term. After the Lunar New Year, usually around the 10th to 15th day of the first lunar month, the school or class would formally reopen. Offerings for this ceremony were relatively simple: incense, flowers, tea, fruit, betel, wine, and dry cakes. The teacher would conduct the ritual while the students stood around, and then they would take turns bowing. Likewise, there were ceremonies to mark school breaks. There were two main breaks during the year: one during the Đoan Ngọ Festival (the 5th day of the 5th lunar month), and another before the Lunar New Year holiday. On each of these occasions, students were expected to perform a ritual of thanks. The offerings varied in scale depending on the year, but often the students would collectively raise or purchase a chicken to bring for the ceremony.
During major festivals such as Đoan Ngọ and Lunar New Year, there was also the important custom of “tết thầy,” or giving New Year offerings to one’s teacher. In the past, teachers did not receive salaries and instead relied largely on such gifts during the festive seasons. Therefore, students’ parents were expected to prepare offerings for the teacher. Families would give whatever they could afford, such as glutinous rice, regular rice, sugar, cakes, and other household provisions. These gifts would usually be accompanied by a small amount of money, the amount depending on the student’s means and level of study, whether elementary, intermediate, or advanced.
Beyond these formal occasions, the bond between teacher and student extended deeply into social and moral life. If the teacher’s family held an ancestral death anniversary, experienced a funeral, celebrated a happy occasion, or if the teacher became ill or encountered an important family matter, students were expected to come and help, almost as if they were serving their own parents. The teacher’s eldest son was addressed by the students as thế huynh (ritual elder brother), while the students referred to themselves as thế đệ (ritual younger brothers). After a teacher passed away, former students often formed an alumni association called a Hội đồng môn. They would contribute funds, elect a senior or highly respected former student as president, appoint a secretary and treasurer, and establish internal regulations. On the teacher’s death anniversary, they would contribute together with the teacher’s family to care for the grave and memorial rites. In some cases, if the association had sufficient funds, they might even purchase land as an endowment for ancestral offerings or build and maintain a proper grave for the teacher. This same deep respect was not limited to teachers of letters and formal education. Masters who taught trades and crafts were also honored in similar ways and held in equally high regard.
Village schools were, in reality, often simply classes held in the teacher’s own house. Wealthier families might instead invite a teacher to come and teach at home. Students in these local classes were taught by thầy đồ or traditional teachers, following an elementary curriculum based on introductory texts for young learners, many of which had been composed by Vietnamese Confucian scholars themselves. To continue to higher levels, however, students generally had to go to district, prefectural, or provincial schools in Điện Bàn.
At the same time, Hội An occupied a special place in the educational and cultural landscape of central Việt Nam. As a major commercial center and international port, and as one of the birthplaces of the Romanized Vietnamese script (chữ Quốc ngữ), as well as an important site in the formation and development of Catholicism and Buddhism in Đàng Trong and central Việt Nam, Hội An was also a place of intense cultural contact, exchange, and adaptation. These conditions had a strong and far-reaching influence on the area’s economic, cultural, and educational life, as well as on the general level of literacy and learning among the villages.
This became particularly evident during the French colonial period. At that time, Hội An was the seat of the French Resident Office, and the colonial authorities established the municipality of Hội An under the name Ville de Faifoo. During this period, there were two primary schools founded by the French administration: a boys’ primary school (École primaire complémentaire des garçons de Faifoo) and a girls’ primary school (École primaire complémentaire des filles de Faifoo). These schools offered the full sequence of primary classes, from Fifth Class to First Class, and continued operating until 1945. In addition to these government schools, there were also two private elementary schools: Tân Dân School and Phú An School.
The physical conditions of these schools were relatively modest. In the case of the private schools, they were sometimes housed in ordinary repurposed buildings, somewhat resembling today’s private tutoring classes held in homes. Yet despite these modest facilities, the teaching staff were generally strong in both knowledge and professional skill. This was because they themselves had been trained through a demanding educational system, and the student body was carefully selected and relatively small, helping to maintain high teaching and learning standards. Most students came from modest backgrounds and often went to school without even eating breakfast, yet they remained deeply eager and passionate about learning. The schools and their teachers enjoyed a high level of prestige and attracted students from many different places.
After completing primary school, students from Hội An who wished to continue their studies had to go to Huế and sit for competitive entrance examinations. Male students who passed would enter Khải Định School (later renamed Quốc Học School), while female students would enter Đồng Khánh School. To meet the growing educational needs of Hội An’s children, Ông Nghè Nhạn took the initiative to establish Viên Minh School. This became the first private secondary school in Hội An. These schools in Hội An played a significant role in nurturing talented individuals not only for the ancient town itself and the Quảng region, but for the country as a whole.
As for Chinese-language schools run by the Chinese community, before 1940 there were several such institutions, each associated with a particular dialect group or assembly hall. These included Quảng Triệu School and Hưng Hoa School of the Cantonese community, Dưỡng Chánh School of the Fujian community, Bồi Anh School of the Teochew community, and Dục Trí School of the Hainanese community. Classes were generally taught in the assembly halls of each respective association, and the language of instruction was the dialect of that community’s home region.
Regarding the imperial examination tradition under the Nguyễn dynasty in Hội An, up to the final examination session in 1919 during the reign of Khải Định, the area produced four holders of higher examination degrees. These included one Tiến sĩ (Doctoral Laureate), Nguyễn Tường Phổ, and three Phó bảng laureates: Nguyễn Tường Vĩnh, Nguyễn Duy Hiệu, and, if counted, Trần Ngọc Giao. In addition, Hội An produced eleven Cử nhân (Provincial Graduates), as well as a number of Tú tài (Lower Degree Holders), and was especially notable for having many families with long-standing scholarly and examination traditions.
These scholar-officials generally believed that learning and examinations were not ends in themselves, nor merely a route to personal advancement. Rather, the purpose of education and examination success was to build one’s career in order to contribute to society. Although they served as officials under the Nguyễn dynasty in different positions, localities, and fields, they largely maintained the moral integrity expected of Confucian scholars. At a time when the country had lost its political autonomy, they still upheld the traditional Confucian ideal that education and examination success should lead to service and benefit for the people. None of them exploited their academic rank or official position to oppress the people or collaborate treacherously with foreign powers. Among them emerged several especially luminous examples of character and talent, people who lived and devoted their lives in ways worthy of their titles and offices, and whose names have been preserved in history.
Thus, in the spirit of a scholarly tradition tied to public service and dedication to the court and society, Hội An’s degree holders all participated in official life under the Nguyễn dynasty, serving in many roles and carrying out duties both in their home province of Quảng Nam and in many other localities across the country. Notably, Hội An produced as many as two Ministers of War (Thượng thư Bộ Binh) under the Nguyễn court, as well as two families that combined both examination distinction and long-standing bureaucratic service. It also gave rise to many outstanding and patriotic individuals whose contributions deserve historical recognition and remembrance.
Author: Nguyen Chi Trung
Source: Hoi An Center for the Conservation of World Cultural Heritage
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